TNS – The News on Sunday

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The PTI has been facing serious challenges in the past nine months to set a direction of the economy. The party’s policy makers came up with nothing but poor governance, particularly in the Punjab province where the party also seems divided over its choice of the chief minister. PTI’s coalition government, having a very thin majority in the National Assembly and Punjab, is in hot waters for its talks with the International Monitory Fund (IMF) to finalise the bail-out package. “The Prime Minister called me and told me that I should hold the charge of the energy ministry because there is lot of pressure of the opposition and criticism from different quarters to deliver and correct the things quickly but this was not an easy task indeed,” Asad Umar told a press conference soon after leaving the charge of finance ministry. He seemed disappointed over the way the PM had succumbed to the external pressure. On the other hand, the opposition parties celebrated this political shake-up within the PTI, urging the whole government to admit its incapability and inefficiency. Celebrating the reshuffle in the federal cabinet, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, Chairman Pakistan People’s Party, hoped the decision would have a positive impact on the economy. “It took eight months for the PTI government to admit that economic policies are flawed.” The PPP has been urging the PTI government to remove its three federal ministers for their alleged links to the banned outfits, which included Asad Umar. “The PTI has not been able to handle two key issues — governance and economy. In Punjab, they have a very ineffective and unimpressive chief minister to deliver on governance,” says Zahid Hussain, senior political analyst. “However, the opposition is not posing a serious challenge to the government yet the ruling party is getting exposed because of its inconsistent behaviour.” At the moment, the opposition is fragmented and under pressure already. It cannot bring people out in streets at the moment, he adds. Hussain says the plus point for the PTI government is that the military establishment is fully behind the government. “They may not be happy the way the economy is being run and the way matters are being dealt with in Punjab but they will try to make things change as per their aspirations.” The whole political survival of the PTI government is in how they handle economy and Punjab province. [box type="shadow" align="alignright" class="red_lines" ]Since coming to power, the PTI government has been claiming that it would transform institutions and reform the governance system in Pakistan. However, it could not come up with clear policies in the last eight months, beyond tall claims and verbal assurances.[/box] Since coming to power, the PTI government has been claiming that it would transform the institutions and reform the governance system in Pakistan. However, it could not come up with clear policies in the last eight months, except tall claims and verbal assurances. The reforms agenda proved to be an uphill task amid the political uncertainty and economic crisis. In the recent weeks, PTI has been avoiding to convene the National Assembly session to avoid the opposition as the PM did not like to face opposition parties’ hooting and political slogans. “This is the beginning of the end because there are no two opinions that those who have orchestrated this script knew exactly what they were doing. They knew that PTI is not a political party with any narrative,” says Wajahat Masood, a senior political analyst. “These failures and the coming ones will not be a surprise. Their expectations to magically make the already collapsing economy better are illogical. They want to milk the mule.” Masood feels such reshuffles are just scapegoats to make way for some other system which is under discussion these days. Amid government failures, a presidential form of government is also under discussion allegedly to wrap-up parliamentary rule. However, this system needs a two-thirds majority in the parliament for a constitutional amendment, which the ruling PTI cannot think of without having full consent of the opposition parties. Hussain thinks the idea of presidential system is being floated within the PTI and the establishment. They say the parliamentary system cannot deliver or has failed to deliver. “However, I think it’s a futile debate because changing a system needs a big majority and a political environment in the country,” he maintains. Amid the government’s failures, opposition parties’ top leadership is facing cases of corruption in the National Accountability Bureau (NAB). Opposition parties are threatening to start anti-government movement for which they are mainly relying on the street power of religious parties in the opposition, mainly Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam led by Maulana Fazlur Rehman, who wants to have a prolonged sit-in in Islamabad to oust the government. Also read: At the centre of power struggle  However, Masood thinks that opposition parties are already weak and they are just watching the situation keenly so that the PTI government is exposed. In Punjab, where the government already has a thin majority, Chief Minister Usman Buzdar is under criticism because of his poor performance and inability to handle the largest province — a stronghold of PML-N. Political analysts believe if the PTI cannot come out of current turmoil and fails to bring positive changes after this cabinet reshuffle, there will be more scapegoats in the coming days, mainly in Punjab. [post_title] => The political challenge [post_excerpt] => [post_status] => publish [comment_status] => open [ping_status] => open [post_password] => [post_name] => political-challenge [to_ping] => [pinged] => [post_modified] => 2019-04-21 01:02:33 [post_modified_gmt] => 2019-04-20 20:02:33 [post_content_filtered] => [post_parent] => 0 [guid] => http://tns.thenews.com.pk/?p=98352 [menu_order] => 0 [post_type] => post [post_mime_type] => [comment_count] => 0 [filter] => raw [format_content] => ) [1] => WP_Post Object ( [ID] => 98356 [post_author] => 29 [post_date] => 2019-04-21 03:23:14 [post_date_gmt] => 2019-04-20 22:23:14 [post_content] => It is evident that the first year of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) government has been challenging. The rhetoric of ‘change’ through good governance is now haunting the PTI itself. The talk of groupings and differences within the party is being seen as the prime reason behind bad governance. Speaking in Geo News’ programme, Capital Talk before the July 2018 general elections, Imran Khan acknowledged the presence of various groups in his party, including the one led by Shah Mehmood Qureshi, another by Jahangir Tareen. Also, its no secret that Imran Khan postponed the intra-party in 2016 because of the differences between Qureshi and Tareen. Then, if you recall, the tug-of-war in the PTI for the slot of Chief Minister KP was so intense that former CM, Pervez Khattak, refused to be part of the federal cabinet and threatened to resign with his group members from the provincial and national seats in KP soon after the 2018 general election. He wanted to be the CM KP for another term. Back then, former Education Minister KP, Atif Khan, was also a contender for the CM’s position. Reportedly, before the elections, Imran Khan had given his word to Khan, that he would consider him for the CM post. Atif Khan’s relative and former Provincial Health Minister, Shahram Khan Tarakai, with some newly-elected MPAs, had also extended support to Khan. The third contender for the post was Asad Qaiser, who had won both the provincial and National Assembly seats, but was unacceptable to Pervez Khattak and others. Imran Khan was so worried about the differences among party leaders over the CM slot that he had to hold series of meetings with them, ultimately managing to convince them on Mahmood Khan. Since the PTI managed to secure governments in Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and the Centre in 2018, the groupings within the party have become even stronger. Hanif Ur Rehman, senior journalist and Controller Khyber News, is convinced that initially there were only three groups in the KP, creating problems for each other till July 2018 general elections “but the number of rival groups has increased now”. Chief Minister Mahmood Khan who was considered Pervez Khattak or Jahangir Tareen’s nominee “is reportedly collaborating with Federal Minister for Communications and Postal Services, Murad Saeed” since both belong to the Swat district. “Governor Shah Farman, a close aide of Imran Khan, is trying to implement his agenda in the province – different from others.” [box type="shadow" align="alignright" class="red_lines" ]In a recent war of words, Qureshi criticised Tareen for participating in the federal cabinet’s meetings despite being disqualified from holding public office. Qureshi considered it a clear violation of the Supreme Court orders in 2017.[/box] Rehman adds that former Chief Secretary KP, Muhammad Azam Khan, is now working as Principal Secretary to the PM along with Arbab Shehzad, former bureaucrat and advisor to PM. “They are directly involved in the postings and promotions of bureaucracy in the province. It has become a great challenge for politicians to approve and execute projects. Take the Peshawar Bus Rapid Transit (BRT). It was first Pervez Khattak’s brainchild, now adversaries in the government and bureaucrats are standing firm against this mega project”. Because of this tug-of-war “not a single new mega project has been announced, nor the previous ones completed since PTI’s second term in the province,” he adds. The situation is quite the same in the Centre, with senior party leaders — Jahangir Tareen and Shah Mehmood Qureshi running the two most influential groups. In a recent war of words, Qureshi criticised Tareen for participating in federal cabinet’s meetings despite being disqualified from holding public office. Qureshi considered it a clear violation of the Supreme Court orders in 2017. But Federal Information Minister Fawad Chaudhry and Federal Minister for Water Resources Faisal Vawda came out to defend Tareen’s presence in the meetings. They applauded his role in the party’s instrumental win in the July 2018 general elections, saying only Chairman PTI can dictate them on dos and don’ts. While talking to TNS, Mazhar Barlas, senior political analyst, says that Finance Minister Asad Umar and Imran Khan’s relative Saifullah Khan Niazi have their separate influential groups in Islamabad. “Asad Umar appointed his close aides in all the departments. The board of governors that were operational under his ministry mostly belonged to the company he used to work for.” Saifullah Niazi has been appointed as Chief Organiser of the PTI by Prime Minister Imran Khan. He will be responsible for reorganisation of the party in all the four provinces, Azad Jammu & Kashmir (AJK), Gilgit Baltistan (GB), Islamabad and overseas. His other responsibilities are of formulating policy, finalising the party constitution and preparing the party for parliamentary and local bodies elections. In 2016, Saifullah Niazi had submitted his resignation to the PTI Chairman, making serious allegations that the party had been sold to Jahangir Tareen. “Saifullah enjoys a good relationship with Imran Khan and now being the chief organiser, he is certainly in a better position to maneuver the situation,” Barlas believes. Now, with the resignation of Asad Umar from the federal cabinet, some change in the power struggle within the party is but expected. Will Umar’s aides still hold fort? Time will tell. “Regrettably, these groups have dragged the Prime Minister to such a situation where everything appears shady for him – the main reason behind bad governance,” Barlas adds. The same concerns were expressed by former President PTI, Javed Hashmi, in October 2018. While talking to the media in Multan, he said the PTI was divided into five groups and the PM would be unable to handle the groups’ affairs and differences. Also read: When silence becomes a political issue The groupings and their differences have affected Punjab’s politics as well. Amjad Warraich, a political analyst, says the continuous tug-of-war is increasing discontentment among party workers. “There are four groups in the party trying to be influential for the coming local bodies elections. The groups are: The South Punjab group led by CM Usman Buzdar, Governor Punjab Chaudhry Sarwar and Mehmood ur Rasheed led group supported by the Qureshi group at the Centre, Aleem Khan group with the support of Jahangir Tareen, and party workers and office bearers against elected members. He says the rift between Chief Minister Buzdar and Governor Chaudhry Sarwar “was noticed over the recent appointments of bureaucrats. On the chief minister’s reservations, Rabia Zia, a close aide to the governor and Naeem Bukhari, was ousted from the good governance committee.” He says Inspector General Police, Amjad Javed Saleemi, Punjab governor’s selection, has been replaced with Captain (retd) Arif Nawaz Khan. “Apparently, CM Buzdar has successfully shifted the balance in the provincial capital in his favour by replacing the governor’s supported bureaucrats with his picked ones.” On the other hand, many disgruntled party leaders have set up their own organisational bodies in their respective areas and appointed office-bearers. According to Warraich, that step has instigated great discomfort for the elected parliamentarians and it has been brought to the notice of party’s Chairman and Prime Minister Imran Khan. “Certainly, power is the bone of contention between Qureshi and Tareen. This tussle has damaged the party and paralysed federal and provincial governments.” [post_title] => At the centre of power struggle [post_excerpt] => [post_status] => publish [comment_status] => open [ping_status] => open [post_password] => [post_name] => centre-power-struggle [to_ping] => [pinged] => [post_modified] => 2019-04-21 01:02:51 [post_modified_gmt] => 2019-04-20 20:02:51 [post_content_filtered] => [post_parent] => 0 [guid] => http://tns.thenews.com.pk/?p=98356 [menu_order] => 0 [post_type] => post [post_mime_type] => [comment_count] => 0 [filter] => raw [format_content] => ) [2] => WP_Post Object ( [ID] => 98355 [post_author] => 29 [post_date] => 2019-04-21 03:20:30 [post_date_gmt] => 2019-04-20 22:20:30 [post_content] => Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) leadership has recently got relief from the courts. There are reports that its representatives are meeting politicians from other political parties, including the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) allies in the Punjab assembly — the Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid-i-Azam (PML-Q). PPP Chairperson, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, met Nawaz Sharif in jail last month to inquire about his health but political circles believe the visit was also about forming a joint strategy on how to counter the government’s onslaught against them. In yet another development, Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-F (JUI-F) Chief, Maulana Fazlur Rehman, requested Mian Nawaz Sharif to join their Million March. Reportedly, Rehman has not succeeded in getting his consent. These developments have created the impression that the PML-N government is getting favours from the ruling set-up and a deal is in the making. It is also believed that the PML-N leadership is avoiding agitation and confrontational politics as part of an unwritten agreement with the powers that matter. The question is: what will be the course of action of the PML-N? Will it cost it politically if it chooses to remain inactive and detached? Talking to TNS, PML-N MNA Pervaiz Malik confirms the party is not launching any agitation independently or with the support of other political parties. He denies chances of any deal with anybody — “The party is closely observing the anti-PTI government public sentiment building up by the day. There is no need to instigate people to action who are already charged up.” Malik believes that as people are fed up due to poor performance of the PTI government, a political uprising is about to take place due to huge unemployment, ever-increasing inflation and the economic crisis that is going to worsen in days to come. “Failing on every count, the PTI government is levelling baseless allegations against other parties. People want the government to deliver on the promises.” Malik strongly opposes perceptions about any ‘deal’, saying whatever relief they received was from the courts that are independent. “PML-N workers are charged and jubilant on seeing their leadership out of jail on court orders but they have not allowed them to come out and show aggression.” While Malik denies any deal has been struck or is in the making, Salman Abid, political analyst, believes ice is melting between the PML-N and other players who were calling the shots. To support his claim, he refers to the deal under which Sharif brothers left for Saudi Arabia soon after Musharraf had come into power. “If they agreed to a deal then, why would they not agree now?” Abid believes expecting the PML-N to agitate at this time is unrealistic because “the party does not have the kind of political workers who can show street power and can challenge state power but mostly small to medium-scale businessmen who cannot afford to close their shops for even a day. If they have ever held protests successfully, these have been with the support of the establishment”. Abid says earlier there was a marked difference in the respective stance of both the Sharifs — one was aggressive and the other reconciliatory, but now both are acting the same way. “Nawaz has finally realised that the party’s workers and even its leadership will not be able to offer resistance as it happened when he returned with his daughter from London after their conviction.” Interestingly, whenever there is a talk about a deal in the making, state authorities come down hard on the PML-N, perhaps to dispel this impression. Majid Nizami, political analyst, says, “The very mention of deal-making brings hard luck to the party leadership.” For example, he says, when the PML-N leader, Rana Mashhood, claimed in October last year that his party will be forming government in Punjab after toppling Usman Buzdar’s with the support of the establishment, Shahbaz Sharif was arrested. Similarly, when Shahbaz Sharif became chairman of the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) and there was mention of rapprochement, state authorities started chasing his son Hamza on various charges. Lately, Nizami says, when Nawaz Sharif was released for six weeks on medical grounds, rumour mills got into action and a National Accountability Bureau (NAB) team conducted a raid to arrest Hamza from his house. On the party’s future, he says, the PML N’s popularity seems intact because the PTI has not performed well. He believes any deal with the PML-N will be suicidal for the PTI which has come into power on the promise of doing ruthless accountability. “PML-N will remain relevant as it is the only party that has the required numbers to challenge the PTI and can replace it if certain quarters think it is not serving the purpose it’s meant to.” There was a rise in political temperature recently when news about a meeting between Hamza Shahbaz and PML-Q’s Moonis Elahi started making rounds. The message was that the parties were mulling possibilities of toppling the Buzdar government and bringing their own candidate into power. Though denied by Elahi, the news has a ready acceptance among people because the PML-Q leadership believes the PTI has not given Moonis Elahi a rightful slot in the federal cabinet despite the promises. Suhail Warraich, senior political analyst, says “the PML-N will not become aggressive and remain defensive because this policy suits it at a time when odds are against it,” continuing that there is no need for an immediate political activity because “the PML-N is sitting inside the parliament and there is no election round the corner”. Warraich adds that Sharif family is also facing a difficult time at the personal level which will keep them away from confrontation. For example, Begum Kulsoom Nawaz’s death last year, Nawaz Sharif’s serious ailments, Hamza Shahbbaz’s daughter is not well. “There may be some agitation if people respond negatively to the next budget, if more taxes are imposed under the International Monetary Fund (IMF) pressure.” On the reported PML-N-PML-Q overtures, Warraich says “they have at least agreed on a ceasefire and are refraining from levelling allegations against each other, which is generally the first indication of conciliation. No doubt they have the numbers to bring a change in Punjab government but they can do it only when they get a ‘signal’ from the concerned quarters to do so.” Also read: The PPP’s march PTI’s Additional Secretary General Central, Ejaz Chaudhry, rubbishes allegations that the government is influencing institutions like NAB to pressurise PML-N and asks whether these institutions were not active against PML-N before the PTI government took over. “How the PTI can be blamed for targeting opponents when several of its leaders are in troubled waters and a senior minister in NAB custody.” He says the problem with PML-N is that it endorses only those decisions and policies that go in its favour. “The news about the deal has no basis. In fact, our system is not able to punish those involved in white-collar crime. This gives an impression that the accused are getting favours from the government.” [post_title] => When silence becomes a political issue [post_excerpt] => [post_status] => publish [comment_status] => open [ping_status] => open [post_password] => [post_name] => silence-becomes-political-issue [to_ping] => [pinged] => [post_modified] => 2019-04-21 01:03:11 [post_modified_gmt] => 2019-04-20 20:03:11 [post_content_filtered] => [post_parent] => 0 [guid] => http://tns.thenews.com.pk/?p=98355 [menu_order] => 0 [post_type] => post [post_mime_type] => [comment_count] => 0 [filter] => raw [format_content] => ) [3] => WP_Post Object ( [ID] => 98360 [post_author] => 29 [post_date] => 2019-04-21 03:18:08 [post_date_gmt] => 2019-04-20 22:18:08 [post_content] => On March 26, PPP Chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari addressed a sizeable number of people who had come to see him off on his Train March at Karachi’s Cantt Station. The PPP chief used his ‘lethal weapon’ — the grievances of Sindh against Islamabad. Seemingly, Bilawal Bhutto’s aim was to mobilise the people for Z. A Bhutto’s death anniversary but this was not the only objective. In fact, PPP’s march was a reaction to a big game that the party believes it is being pulled into. “Now the game is no more a secret” says, Shahab Usto, a senior analyst. This hurriedly-launched movement by Pakistan’s largest political party of yesteryears was a result of the intense heat that the party felt as cases were opened against its supremo, Asif Ali Zardari and his sister Faryal Talpur. PPP leaders believe the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) government is targeting opposition parties to divert their attention from the poor state of the national economy. PPP leaders are not alone in this observation. Even many PTI leaders based in Karachi and the rest of the province believe so. “Since the PTI government has failed to put the economy on the right track, the common people are suffering,” says Jamil Ahmed Khan, former ambassador to Libya and UAE, who joined the ruling party two years ago. “God knows how people will survive this worst form of poverty. The PTI government has lost its sense of direction completely,” he observes. Imran Khan’s drive against corruption, he believes, is the real cause of difficulties the national economy is facing at the moment. “It synchronizes with the objective of a plot aimed at defaming opposition parties—mainly the PPP and the PMLN. But it is not working,” says Usto, adding, “The economy is not improving and the recent shocks —devaluation of the rupee, rise in fuel prices and consequent inflation — have affected the common people badly.” Interestingly enough, this situation has brought equal dividends for both sides — the PTI government as well as the opposition parties. The more the economic difficulties increase the more the PTI campaign gets impetus against corruption which, in other words, puts a greater burden on the opposition. Simultaneously, the more pinch the opposition feels the more space it gets against the government. The PPP has an advantage of having the government in Sindh and, thus, it is in a favourable position to draw crowds like it did in Ghotki where Imran Khan claimed his party has broken the monopoly of the PPP. “The PTI government’s agreement with the IMF would make life tougher for people due to the conditions attached with the agreement. It will give yet another opportunity to the opposition to grab more space,” says Khalid Chandio, an analyst from Bhutto’s hometown, Larkana. However, some PPP insiders differ with Chandio. They say it depends on how fast the government moves against Zardari and his coterie. Would sending Zardari behind bars work? “Yes, if the PTI needs a huge distraction, that cannot be ruled out in the next few months,” says a PPP worker who was in Bilawal’s Train March from Karachi to Larkana. But tightening the noose around Asif Ali Zardari may not yield the desired results in an effort to tame the opposition if the PPP continues to run the government in Sindh. “To clip PPP’s wings, the PTI may move against the government in Sindh,” says a PPP senator. Would the PTI do that? It is less likely. “If it suits the real powers in Pakistan is yet to be seen. I think they would not go too far,” says Usto. Preempting such a situation, the PPP has been making a case over the last many months warning that Islamabad is bent upon eliminating provincial autonomy that it won through the 18^th Amendment. Sindh is truly a concerned province where even some opponents of the PPP remain ready to oppose any move against the devolution of power in Pakistan. Moreover, any talk about replacing the parliamentary form of government with the presidential one strengthens the PPP which uses it as an effective tool. When the Sindh Assembly adopts a resolution against any moves to tamper with the geographical unity of Sindh and Zardari vows to resist the presidential form of government, the PPP secures itself in the heartland of its constituency. Also, it affects the very inroads that the PTI government is trying to make in this province. Also read: Conspiracy theories keep surfacing The PTI’s drive against corruption and inability to deliver on the economic front has sent bad signals to the powers-that-be. “Punjab, the bastion of ‘power’ has seen Sharif’s team back in the bureaucracy, giving the impression that the Buzdar government failed to do well in the province. It strengthens another opposition party — the PMLN in Punjab,” he says. Keeping the opposition in line may cause a difference of opinion between the establishment and Imran Khan, something the opposition parties, especially the PPP, is eyeing. The PPP knows very well how the PMLN has succeeded in receiving relief which it believes will finally be given to Zardari too. [post_title] => The PPP’s march [post_excerpt] => [post_status] => publish [comment_status] => open [ping_status] => open [post_password] => [post_name] => ppps-march [to_ping] => [pinged] => [post_modified] => 2019-04-21 01:03:26 [post_modified_gmt] => 2019-04-20 20:03:26 [post_content_filtered] => [post_parent] => 0 [guid] => http://tns.thenews.com.pk/?p=98360 [menu_order] => 0 [post_type] => post [post_mime_type] => [comment_count] => 0 [filter] => raw [format_content] => ) [4] => WP_Post Object ( [ID] => 98358 [post_author] => 29 [post_date] => 2019-04-21 03:16:10 [post_date_gmt] => 2019-04-20 22:16:10 [post_content] => “Tabdeeli” till now connoted “change” – change from corruption to transparency, from failure of governance to success of governance, from the rule of chosen ones in power to rule of law. But in the recent past, the word has begun implying major changes that may potentially change the very face of how the Islamic Republic of Pakistan functions. Search for the hashtag #PresidentialSystem and thousands of social media shares will pop up. Try and google “18^th Amendment” and impending volte-face seems to be the hottest topic, online and off. There are theories, and then there are conspiracy theories. Pakistan, meanwhile, seems to be sitting on a ticking time bomb, waiting for “Change”, all owing to political hearsay. Everyone seems so sure of what is going to happen, but no one knows where these whispers are originating from. Perhaps from Pakistan’s sugar daddies belonging to echelons of power talking in upper tier clubs over rounds of hors d’oeuvres and Cuban cigars. The words uttered by them may have been taken as the gospel truth by overhearers, or over-zealous political analysts and media persons may have taken on the mantle of “sources” and begun tweeting about it or taking polls on it. Trust Pakistan’s penchant for fake news. The news has spread. And everyone seems sure that Islamic Presidential System is deemed to happen, whether they are for it or against it. But is Imran Khan ready to go through the grueling processes that would be required to actually become the President? The legislation, the referendum, getting a two-thirds majority – is this all even doable? Overlapping with the issue of the Presidential System is the question of the 18^th Amendment which would have to be rolled back if, and that is a big if, the Presidential System is to move past tweets and table talk and become a reality. Since 2010, with the advent of the 18th Amendment, Pakistan’s Parliamentary System is showing, if nothing else, the benefit that elected governments have been able to complete their term. Getting rid of the 18^th Amendment may ensure more power to the President and more transparency with the federal government at the helm of decision-making, but it will have the side-effect of perpetuating a sense of victimhood and being wronged, particularly in Sindh, where the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) leadership will use it for political traction to the maximum. [box type="shadow" align="alignright" class="red_lines" ]Search for the hashtag #PresidentialSystem and thousands of social media shares will pop up. Google “18th Amendment” and impending volte-face seems to be the hottest topic.[/box] But are all conspiracy theories just conspiracy theories? Does the political grapevine actually have some substance as the fuel of the rumours it is churning out? The stepping down of one of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf’s (PTI) key figures, Asad Umar, from the position of Finance Minister on April 18th, has rattled the political equilibrium. More so because the tittle-tattle seems to have some truth to it. With more reshuffling expected in Khan’s cabinet, one cannot any more ignore political speculations, even if one does not believe them all. Also read: Editorial Whoever is adding fuel to the gossip fire by leaking out snippets of news that are meant to stay under cover is achieving the possible purpose — that an air of uncertainty and a feeling of political instability should linger in the air. What will happen next, and how shall it affect the average Pakistani? The questions are pertinent. Meanwhile, conspiracy theories keep surfacing. And Pakistan waits with baited breath. [post_title] => Conspiracy theories keep surfacing [post_excerpt] => [post_status] => publish [comment_status] => open [ping_status] => open [post_password] => [post_name] => conspiracy-theories-keep-surfacing [to_ping] => [pinged] => [post_modified] => 2019-04-21 01:03:42 [post_modified_gmt] => 2019-04-20 20:03:42 [post_content_filtered] => [post_parent] => 0 [guid] => http://tns.thenews.com.pk/?p=98358 [menu_order] => 0 [post_type] => post [post_mime_type] => [comment_count] => 1 [filter] => raw [format_content] => ) [5] => WP_Post Object ( [ID] => 98351 [post_author] => 29 [post_date] => 2019-04-21 03:14:32 [post_date_gmt] => 2019-04-20 22:14:32 [post_content] => As these lines are being written, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf government is in the news for all the wrong reasons — federal finance minister Asad Umar has resigned, followed by predictions of more such resignations to follow. These are hard times not just for the PTI government but the whole political landscape of the country. The cabinet reshuffle does not come as a surprise though. It should nevertheless be a wake-up call for the PTI as a ruling political party. From day one, critics of the government had started pointing out lack of direction of policy makers on two major fronts: dealing with opposition parties and the ailing economy. On the other hand, for party loyalists this is Imran Khan following through on his promise of internal accountability. While opposition parties, mainly the PML-N and PPP, were taken head on in the name of accountability despite calls to show political maturity and take the opposition along on issues of critical importance — economy and development — the PTI government continued with its rhetoric of punishing the ‘corrupt’. As time has passed, cracks within the party have also come to the surface with groupings seen as the main reason behind lack of attention to basic issues. Even before the July 2018 general elections, political analysts had pointed to presence of factions in the party, including the one led by Shah Mehmood Qureshi, and another by Jahangir Tareen. Also read: The political challenge Today, the alleged efforts of the government to do away with the parliamentary form of government and rolling back the 18^th Amendment have made things more uncertain. Whether political opposition unites against the government or not, the PTI government seems to be having a hard time of it even without any outside intervention. [post_title] => Editorial [post_excerpt] => [post_status] => publish [comment_status] => open [ping_status] => open [post_password] => [post_name] => editorial-176 [to_ping] => [pinged] => [post_modified] => 2019-04-21 01:04:01 [post_modified_gmt] => 2019-04-20 20:04:01 [post_content_filtered] => [post_parent] => 0 [guid] => http://tns.thenews.com.pk/?p=98351 [menu_order] => 0 [post_type] => post [post_mime_type] => [comment_count] => 0 [filter] => raw [format_content] => ) ) [post_count] => 6 [current_post] => -1 [in_the_loop] => [post] => WP_Post Object ( [ID] => 98352 [post_author] => 29 [post_date] => 2019-04-21 03:24:19 [post_date_gmt] => 2019-04-20 22:24:19 [post_content] => Prime Minister Imran Khan told his party’s senior member, Asad Umar, to step down as finance minister and, instead, hold the charge of minister for energy, which he refused to accept, staying away from the federal cabinet in protest. The PTI has been facing serious challenges in the past nine months to set a direction of the economy. The party’s policy makers came up with nothing but poor governance, particularly in the Punjab province where the party also seems divided over its choice of the chief minister. PTI’s coalition government, having a very thin majority in the National Assembly and Punjab, is in hot waters for its talks with the International Monitory Fund (IMF) to finalise the bail-out package. “The Prime Minister called me and told me that I should hold the charge of the energy ministry because there is lot of pressure of the opposition and criticism from different quarters to deliver and correct the things quickly but this was not an easy task indeed,” Asad Umar told a press conference soon after leaving the charge of finance ministry. He seemed disappointed over the way the PM had succumbed to the external pressure. On the other hand, the opposition parties celebrated this political shake-up within the PTI, urging the whole government to admit its incapability and inefficiency. Celebrating the reshuffle in the federal cabinet, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, Chairman Pakistan People’s Party, hoped the decision would have a positive impact on the economy. “It took eight months for the PTI government to admit that economic policies are flawed.” The PPP has been urging the PTI government to remove its three federal ministers for their alleged links to the banned outfits, which included Asad Umar. “The PTI has not been able to handle two key issues — governance and economy. In Punjab, they have a very ineffective and unimpressive chief minister to deliver on governance,” says Zahid Hussain, senior political analyst. “However, the opposition is not posing a serious challenge to the government yet the ruling party is getting exposed because of its inconsistent behaviour.” At the moment, the opposition is fragmented and under pressure already. It cannot bring people out in streets at the moment, he adds. Hussain says the plus point for the PTI government is that the military establishment is fully behind the government. “They may not be happy the way the economy is being run and the way matters are being dealt with in Punjab but they will try to make things change as per their aspirations.” The whole political survival of the PTI government is in how they handle economy and Punjab province. [box type="shadow" align="alignright" class="red_lines" ]Since coming to power, the PTI government has been claiming that it would transform institutions and reform the governance system in Pakistan. However, it could not come up with clear policies in the last eight months, beyond tall claims and verbal assurances.[/box] Since coming to power, the PTI government has been claiming that it would transform the institutions and reform the governance system in Pakistan. However, it could not come up with clear policies in the last eight months, except tall claims and verbal assurances. The reforms agenda proved to be an uphill task amid the political uncertainty and economic crisis. In the recent weeks, PTI has been avoiding to convene the National Assembly session to avoid the opposition as the PM did not like to face opposition parties’ hooting and political slogans. “This is the beginning of the end because there are no two opinions that those who have orchestrated this script knew exactly what they were doing. They knew that PTI is not a political party with any narrative,” says Wajahat Masood, a senior political analyst. “These failures and the coming ones will not be a surprise. Their expectations to magically make the already collapsing economy better are illogical. They want to milk the mule.” Masood feels such reshuffles are just scapegoats to make way for some other system which is under discussion these days. Amid government failures, a presidential form of government is also under discussion allegedly to wrap-up parliamentary rule. However, this system needs a two-thirds majority in the parliament for a constitutional amendment, which the ruling PTI cannot think of without having full consent of the opposition parties. Hussain thinks the idea of presidential system is being floated within the PTI and the establishment. They say the parliamentary system cannot deliver or has failed to deliver. “However, I think it’s a futile debate because changing a system needs a big majority and a political environment in the country,” he maintains. Amid the government’s failures, opposition parties’ top leadership is facing cases of corruption in the National Accountability Bureau (NAB). Opposition parties are threatening to start anti-government movement for which they are mainly relying on the street power of religious parties in the opposition, mainly Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam led by Maulana Fazlur Rehman, who wants to have a prolonged sit-in in Islamabad to oust the government. Also read: At the centre of power struggle  However, Masood thinks that opposition parties are already weak and they are just watching the situation keenly so that the PTI government is exposed. In Punjab, where the government already has a thin majority, Chief Minister Usman Buzdar is under criticism because of his poor performance and inability to handle the largest province — a stronghold of PML-N. Political analysts believe if the PTI cannot come out of current turmoil and fails to bring positive changes after this cabinet reshuffle, there will be more scapegoats in the coming days, mainly in Punjab. 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